Thursday, October 30, 2014

"Instant Thesis" - Teaching Method Video now available for free!

Well, it's only about 2 minutes long anyway!

I recorded this video early in 2014 to explain a classroom method I used for teaching students content and communication skills (in this case writing). The video was recorded after I presented the method live for the UChicago Center for College Teaching (formerly Center for Teaching and Learning) Eat, Teach, Talk, Run pedagogy training series. In a secret ballot, my peers awarded me the best presentation for "Instant Thesis!" Here you can see me explain it.

It's my first time before the camera, so I apologize for any shyness in my delivery!


Friday, October 24, 2014

Announcement: New Public Appearance

I'm thrilled to announce that I'll be giving an invited lecture with the University of Toronto Archaeology Centre on Friday, 21 November, 2014.

I'll be talking about the nexus of my past and present research in a talk titled, "Community, Neighborhood, and Habitat: An ‘Anti-Disciplinary’ Approach for Understanding Urbanism in the Long Term."

I've pasted the full announcement below. This talk integrates two lines of research and analysis that I'm currently developing.

On the one hand I'm expanding my research to examine the relationships between communities, their social institutions, and the natural environment during urbanization processes. My aim is to develop long-term perspectives and locally-practical solutions to the social and environmental issues of urbanism. I'm also, of course, continuing to advance our knowledge of the late prehispanic period in Peru (e.g., 13th and 14th centuries AD) and the Casma Polity.

 On the other hand, I've been exploring 'anarchistic' theories of knowledge production and research praxis. An 'anti-disciplinary' approach suggests reconfiguring the way we start our research. Instead of working from disciplinary expectations and boundaries, we might found our research on the assumption that reality (e.g., the problems and data that we address) has no obligation to meet our disciplinary expectations, as Marshall Sahlins would say.



Community, Neighborhood, and Habitat:
An ‘Anti-Disciplinary’ Approach
for Understanding Urbanism in the Long Term

by

David Pacifico, PhD

for

The University of Toronto Archaeology Centre

Friday, 21 November 2014



            What is the long term effect of urbanism on the social and ‘natural’ environment? David Pacifico explores this question with respect to his previous archaeological research at El Purgatorio and with respect to his newly-formed research project, The Casma Hinterland Archaeological Project (aka PAIC-CHAP, for its bilingual name). El Purgatorio was the capital city of the Casma Polity from ca. AD 700-1400. Pacifico reports on domestic practices, the political economy, and identity politics in El Purgatorio’s commoner residential neighborhood. He presents his subsequent research, which expands the analytical gaze to examine how the urbanization of El Purgatorio affected hinterland communities and their ‘natural environments’ in the periods before, during, and after the occupation of El Purgatorio. PAIC-CHAP integrates archaeological, ethnographic, ethnohistorical, and ecological research to understand urbanism as a socio-environmental process with broad and transhistorical effects.

Wednesday, September 17, 2014

Neighborhood Politics: Diversity, Community, and Authority at El Purgatorio, Peru (my dissertation) published online for free download

Estoy muy grato de decir que, atreves de algunos meses en proceso de publicación digital, ahora está disponible mi tesis doctoral Neighborhood Politics: Diversity, Community, and Authority at El Purgatorio, Peru. El tesis está disponible en completo por acceso libre atreves del enlace siguiente -


Neighborhood Politics resultó de algunos cuatro años de investigaciones arqueológicos en el sitio arqueológico de El Purgatorio, que se ubica en la Valle Casma, Ancash, Perú. Muchísimas gracias con mis asesores académicos, instituciones de fondos, obreros, colegas, alumnos, y familiares sin quienes no hubiera sido posible cumplir ni a las investigaciones ni a la obra literaria. ¡Gracias!
I'm glad to say that, after a few months in the process of digital publication, my doctoral dissertation, Neighborhood Politics: Diversity Community, and Authority at El Purgatorio Peru is now available. It's available via open access, and can be downloaded in its entirety through the following link:

http://gradworks.umi.com/36/27/3627869.html

Neighborhood Politics is the result of four years of field research at the El Purgatorio archaeological site, located in Casma, Ancash, Peru. Many thanks to my advisers, funding agencies, workers, colleagues, students, and friends without whom neither the fieldwork nor the dissertation would have been possible. Thank you!


Thursday, September 4, 2014

Casma Hinterland Archaeological Project (PAIC-CHAP) 2014 Field Season Concludes

[4 September 2014: crossposted from www.PAIC-CHAP.com and PAIC-CHAP.blogspot.com]

The 2014 Field Season of the Proyecto Arqueologico del Interior de Casma - Casma Hinterland Archaeological Project came to a close in mid-August of 2014. It was a smashing success. 

In brief, I explored - without using any invasive techniques - over 30 archaeological sites in the Casma Valley that are hypothetically related to El Purgatorio and the Casma Polity. Accordingly, it is clear that there is great potential for the next phase of the project, which will include detailed mapping, excavation, architectural, and artifact analysis. 

Those analyses will help answer questions like the following. Who was living in the Casma Valley just before the settlement of El Purgatorio (ca. AD 700-1400)? How did their settlements change - demographically, occupationally, institutionally - during the occupation of El Purgatorio? More broadly, why did people move into (or avoid) and later move out of El Purgatorio? What can the case of El Purgatorio and its hinterlands tell us more generally about urbanism in the late prehispanic period?

A summary field report will be made available to the public as soon as possible. Following a summary analysis of observations made in the field, the next step is to design a multi-component archaeological and ethnographic project and seek funding for the 2015 field season that will address the previously-presented and additional questions about the Casma Polity, communities, and cities from a global and trans-historical perspective.

Dave in a quebrada on the Sechin Branch of the Casma River

I don't always eat at vegetarian restaurants; but when I do, I prefer El Vegetariano

It's funny being a vegetarian in a foreign country, and all countries are foreign countries because being a vegetarian is a weird thing.There's a certain level of intimacy to explaining the details of what you will and won't allow to enter your body. And at the same time there's a risk because many people feel that dietary restrictions are a matter of attention-grabbing or some other behavioral failure. As my experience with the cuy and pato show, it's not a failure. There are just limitations to what one can shove in their mouth, chew, and swallow.

I've had some time to mull this issue over because I haven't had a good crossing of Internet access and time lately. I've recently returned home from Peru where, for the last few weeks of my trip, I had limited access to the Internet. I have a theory about that. I think that the Internet in Peru cycles every 90 seconds. It's as if Peru has DC electricity and AC Internet. I hypothesize that the AC Internet allows new users an opportunity to 'tap into the stream' of bandwidth. It also means that continuous connections, like those required for talking to you wife on Skype for more than 89 seconds, get cut off and your call is automatically dropped. But, this is 'folk-science' if you will. I really don't know and there are experts out there who could set me straight. For me, this theory, however, works fine in planning my communications in Peru. I can no longer rely on Skype for calls out to the US. All cultural logics are functional logics and all logics are cultural logics.

Which raises the question: what is the logic of vegetarian cuisine in Peru? At El Vegetariano, my favorite vegetarian restaurant in Peru, the logic is something apart from our logic here in the States. Here, I live not far from one of the most famous veggie joints in the US, The Chicago Diner. Since the early 80s the Chicago Diner has been making greasy, heavy diner food fit for vegans. It's so famous I remember a band from Arizona (called North), after we played a show together in Rhode Island, calculate that they could drive from Providence to Chicago for a meal at the Diner and then return before their next East Coast date. I think they were wrong, but their heart was in the right place. In fact, a lot of tattooed alternative-types find their heart bringing them to the Chicago Diner.

But in Peru, it's not just the punks going vegetarian. It's a lot of older people. In fact, it's more older people than punks. As an illustration, I visited a curandero some years ago during a noche de shamanes behind the Sechin Museum. The curandero was actually a pair of middle-class curanderas with fashionable jackets, not the beponchoed leathery tio I had expected. But they did their job marvelously. They prepared a convincing mesa of swords and chonta-wood staffs, inhaled and sprayed floral water all over, and banged us with swords. I elected not to have my future told. But an older fellow in the group of us clients was told 'you need to eat a more vegetarian diet.' 

As odd as it seems for Latin America, Peru is on a long-term health kick that promotes a lower-fat, higher-vegetable diet. As a result, there are more vegetarian restaurants than ever. And they're filled with older adults who are probably trying to control their cholesterol. As I've always said, Peruvian food is full of vegetables and non-meat items. Usually the meat is a chop or leg or filet piled on top of non-meat stuff (well, besides the lard flavoring the beans). So at good vegetarian restaurants, like El Vegetariano, they've done the logical thing; they make traditional Peruvian dishes - mostly from the coastal criollo genre - with various kinds of soy and wheat meat alternatives.

Ceviche Vegetariano as part of the first course in a typical lunch spread

Carapulcra with rice and sarsa criolla

Take for example this lovely meal. The first course is a ceviche - Peru's most exported dish - made essentially with tofu. Like much Peruvian food, this ceviche demonstrates that there is no limit to how much lime juice you may apply to a dish. However, note the unusual dish of red aji at 11 o'clock. Normally aji is a milled fresh pepper mixture that also includes a good dose of salt. For Peruvian vegetarians, salt might be against doctor's orders. So here, the aji is a bit sub-par, but fitting the wider interest in vegetarianism - health reasons (reasons not much respected at The Chicago Diner, what with the use of fats, sugars, and salts to enhance the 'diner-style' rich foods). Notice the camote, or sweet potato, and large chunk of choclo or Andean corn on the cob that accompanies the ceviche. Glasses of white yogurt, brown refresco de cebada (barley drink), and a tub of masamora (a sweet corn goopy dessert) make their way from course one to course two. Course two consists of carapulcra, which is a highland dish usually made of dried and smashed potatoes (chuño) mixed with spices and pork bits. In this case the pork was some kind of soy product. On the side is sarsa criolla, a spicy and limy red onion salad so common in coastal food. Finally, a molded pile of brown rice rounds out the meal.

Sometimes gringos express confusion over the use of rice in Peru. Shouldn't it all be potatoes? But remember, Peru has been the home of immigrants from all over the world since the 16th century. Huge numbers of Africans and then Chinese came over to work in cane fields and later on railroads. Rice and sugar (neither of which are native) have been fully integrated parts of the Peruvian diet - especially the coastal comida criolla - for centuries. Rice is an everyday part of Peruvian life that fits nicely within the harsh and volatile environment.

I must admit that I miss meals like this one of ceviche, carapulcra, and sarsa criolla. I also miss the obligatory huge bowls of restorative soups that they serve in Peru, which can be very cold and unforgiving in the austral winter. Notice the fresh cut green beans garnishing this pasta and kale soup.

Vegetable soup at El Vegetariano, Miraflores, Lima, Peru

So when I get home, I usually go through a period of culture shock. Or is it cultural amnesia? What is it that I usually eat here in the States? People in Peru ask me that all the time. They usually first ask about our traditional foods, as that is a critical cultural category in Peru. Every village, region, and department (like a state) has its dish or genre. What do we have in the US? We must eat a lot of comida rapida (fast food), they usually suggest.

I usually dodge this embarrassing truth by offering barbecue as a uniquely American (as in estadounidense) cuisine. And indeed it is. I try to explain barbecue, and it usually works. In fact, they have something like barbecue in Peru. There's pachamanca, which is meat and potatoes slow cooked in an underground hearth while covered with earth. There's also caja china (the Chinese box), where a pig is roasted in a metal box full of coals.

So when I come home and don't know what to eat, I just figure 'we must eat a lot of comida rapida.' Then I go eat fast food. There's a limited but consistent range of vegetarian fast food. That is, after all, the goal of fast food: consistency (and speed, though that's changing to meet cultural values of 'carefully prepared food'). Taco Bell has bean burritos that are actually vegan if you don't get the cheese. Every touring punk or hardcore band knows this because that's one of the go-to places for your vegan band mates. Burger King also has veggie burgers that are, admittedly, quite a delicious indulgence. But - like all fast foods - you gotta eat them fast. They're meant to taste extremely good for about 5 minutes while they're piping hot. After that the magic wears off and you have a lot of trouble appreciating the flavor.

I went to Burger King today and ordered a few veggie burgers, some fries, and a drink. Apparently they have new fries now that are meant to satisfy you. They're called 'satisfries.' I went with the old un-satisfries. They were fine because I ate them quickly. The burgers were fine, too, but you need to ask for a lot of pickles and onions and hope that the 'kitchen' actually remembers to supply them.

The thing that confused me most was the cup. I was thirsty and figured I could go for a large drink. It's also been very hot lately and I had walked to Burger King (a pre-emptive flagellation for the planned transgression). I was a bit embarrassed to accept such a large bucket as part of my meal. Honestly, I thought to myself, 'what am I supposed to put in here!' Then I remembered a very American cultural beverage preference: ice. In Peru you get relatively small soft drink bottles served with small glasses and no ice. Ask for ice and - like in Europe - you'll get a few cubes. (I've never had a problem drinking beverages with a couple ice cubes in Peru and the attitude on drinking the water seems to be changing along with Peru's global economic reputation). When handed a truly immense cup in the US at a fast food restaurant, a yawning tub of plastic receptacle, what do you do? Fill it with ice!

I recognize that - as was reported in Fast Food Nation - soft drinks got bigger in order to increase marginal profits for restaurants and beverage providers. But, speaking as an archaeologist now, the enormity of fast food drinking vessels must in part be influenced by the cultural practice of consuming beverages that are as cold as possible because they're completely filled with ice.

In any case, I filled my giant tumbler - a true kero for use in a very-American consumerist ritual - with as much ice as it would hold. I filled the interstices with diet Dr. Pepper (the only thing to drink at Burger King). And then I sat down for my shameful feast as a NASCAR race spun out of control on the dining room TV.

A few hours later, I'm hungry again.

Don't forget extra pickles and onions


Wednesday, August 6, 2014

Not 'whether' but 'when' is it extortion...?

They blew the doors off of Pollos Roky ('Roky Chicken,' just in case). I don't mean that Roky's had a bang-up night at the cash register. Actually, the problem was that the cash register was too tight, stayed closed, didn't open up when it shoulda.

See, I was having an afternoon rest in my hotel room when a BOOM so loud almost shook me off the bed. I'm used to BOOMs and BANGs all the time in Casma. They're shooting off fireworks (cuetes 'full golpe') all the time here. They wake you up in the morning and they keep you up at night. Sometimes it's clear why they're blowing off the fireworks. For example, at 12:01AM on the feast of the Virgin del Carmen, you blow off some fireworks to let people know it's time to celebrate, venerate, and party.

But that one boom. That really was odd. And the next day I found out why. They blew the doors off Pollos Roky. That's to say, they threw dynamite at the doors and blew them right off. It was after hours and, by morning, the scene didn't look so bad. There just weren't any doors anymore. Roky's was a big gaping garage of a chicken shack.

Pollos Roky, ex post facto

Roky's is one of the lesser chicken chains here in Peru; but even so, I was surprised to see one in Casma. Casma is a provincial city known for it's continual sunshine, it's many schools, and its 'authenticity' as an agricultural province. It's not backwards by any means, if that's what you're thinking. It's just that country kitchens, where they stew poultry over the candela (a wood and cane-fueled open fire), are local favorites. Chains from Lima don't seem like they'd get much business.

Apparently, the local extortionists aren't getting much business either. Roky's refused to pay up on their protection money, and so they found out what they woulda been protected from.

Extortion is an interesting thing. On the surface, it's wrong. On the books, it's illegal. But as a close and brilliant friend once told me, the question isn't whether it's illegal, it's when is it illegal? In other words, there are no hard and fast lines of legality/illegality or right/wrong. These values get adjusted locally and regularly. For example, on the highway between district towns.

The highway police here are colloquially called tragamonedas. Literally, that means 'coin swallower.' Technically, tragamonedas means 'slot machine.' The highway police are always stationed somewhere or other on the roads into or out of Casma. While I have been stopped several times without incident, the same isn't so for the colectivo drivers who provide intra-district transportation up and down the coastal river valleys. Colectivo drivers regularly have their licenses, insurance, and identity cards checked. It's customary to put a 2 or 5 nuevo sol (PEN) coin under the documents when handing them to the police. 

And why not? Usually the colectivos carry more people than they're supposed to. Standard passage is 6 soles. If you fit four passengers in the vehicle, like you're supposed to, that's 24 soles in gross income. If you fit five passengers in the vehicle, then the fare is only 5 soles, but the gross is 25 soles. Everyone wins. They're just not supposed to.

Occasionally, the highway police will run a multi-day operativo, where they really crack down on transport informalities (and profit). By the time you show up to ride the colectivo, though, everyone already knows about the operativo. So the colectivos go the dusty, garbage-piled back roads that parallel the highway to avoid the police. But since everybody knows, the police are already there collecting documents and coins. Like many processes in Peru, it's a low-stakes cat and mouse game that ends up benefiting everyone a little bit in an informal economy where even the unbridled profiteering is pretty small-scale.

A similar sort of 'coin swallowing' takes on quasi-formal appearances at the entrances to several districts. Neighborhood associations and 'rondas campesinas' often set up light barricades in front of some of the rural valleys. Upon entry, vehicles pay a toll of one or two soles. In some cases you get a receipt. You might argue that you're always supposed to get a receipt. But no one always gets a receipt for anything. Anywhere. Sometimes the peajes (or tolls) are staffed by people wearing uniform vests, which are the universal sign of authority in provincial Peru.

Ostensibly tolls support the rondas, which are basically neighborhood watch 'rounds.' Alternatively, some people believe that the tolls might be used to maintain country roads beyond state support (which is extremely limited). However, you only hear that the peaje might go to road maintenance in the context of complaints that they are not at all being used for road maintenance.

Peajes are an archetypal phenomenon of Peruvian informalism. I knew one such peaje well, as I paid it every day while conducting archaeological fieldwork for my doctoral dissertation. I paid one sol each day as I entered the middle Casma Valley on the dirt road that crosses Pampa Allegre. I got a little 3cm x 3cm receipt each time. On the way out, no toll. The explanation was that there had been livestock russlin' in the area and that the toll helped monitor who went into and out of the valley.

However, what was really going - as far as I could tell - was that a fella decided to put a little shack and a gate on the entrance to the valley. He made himself a home and a job, all at the same time. The service appeared necessary enough, the rate seemed reasonable enough, and there were occasional public discussions about his work, so as to keep up appearances. All told, an informal consensus was met to let the guy live there and charge the toll. And you had to hand it to him; he rigged up the gate so he could operate it without getting out of bed.

Four years later his shack is bigger. He has some animal pens, and the toll has doubled. But he can still operate it from bed.

Extortion for protection money is a crime under the conditions that some alternative has been proposed and that people believe the alternative is superior. The alternative might be seen as more effective, more ethical, or morally proper. In a civil society, they say, the police should protect businesses. But in reality, a guy who can blow the doors off of your chicken shack is also someone who might legitimately be able to protect you against other kinds of dangers (and extortionists). Similarly, a phalanx of cops who can beat the teeth out of your head with their nightsticks during a protest are also exceptionally capable of parting the crowd when your ambulance needs to get to the ER.

It sucks that Roky's had its doors blown off. It's sort of annoying to pay peajes when you're not at all sure why you're paying. It's maddening when the police commit violence against the very people they're sworn to protect.

But in all these cases, there's some kind of tacit agreement being made somewhere. And that's the common thread that runs from mafia extortion to involuntary 'donations' for rondas campesinas to giving police officers the authority to plug you full of bullets under certain conditions. They're all interactions that have been subject to interpersonal agreements, though of varying natures and inclusivity. They all follow certain logics, even though some of those logics are believed to be valid and others are labeled as chaos. But the mafiosos will always point out that there is a logic behind organized crime, even when it's only loosely organized. On the other hand, 'legitimate' politicians across the globe will argue that - outside of civil society - there are no rules and that irrationality reigns. I'm not saying that I do or would prefer uncivil society. Not at all. Nor am I suggesting that blowing doors up is OK. I fear violence. But I also recognize that most societies are composed of multiple forms of logic and negotiation that are vying for recognition. Maybe I'm suggesting it would be better if we acknowledged those competing logics and handled them accordingly. 

In any case, for Pollos Roky (which, I might add, is located directly across from a cockfight pit), one wonders if the extortion and retribution wasn't also part of an inverted cargo system. In cargo systems, when you start getting real rich, it becomes your turn to be mayordomo of the village feast. That's your big chance to build social capital by diminishing your financial capital; it's the potlatch. Maybe Roky's was in bringing britches from Lima that were just too big for Casma. So they got blown right off.

However, in an ironic twist perfectly representative of Peruvian informality, the local Pollos Roky's is a fraud. It's not a real franchise of Roky's. They've just stolen the image, name, and theme in order to draw people away from the other myriad broasters in town. Apparently they also drew dynamite to their door.

Receipt for peaje to enter Comandante Noel district, Casma

"Noelino neighbor, friendly visitor help out with your donation for better security from the District Neighborhood Associations and national Police working together against insecurity [sic]."




Sunday, August 3, 2014

Call for Papers - Theorizing and Excavating Neighborhoods - SAA 2015

My colleague, Lise Truex (University of Chicago) and I are organizing a session for the 80th Annual Meeting of the Society for American Archaeology in San Francisco, April 15-19, 2015. Our session is entitled "Theorizing and Excavating Neighborhoods." We've confirmed our esteemed discussants Steve Wernke (Vanderbilt) and Elizabeth C. Stone (SUNY Stony Brook). We're still seeking abstracts! The original due date for abstracts was to be August 11th, 2014, but we can be a little flexible. Don't hesitate to be in touch or to circulate the CFP.

email Dave - DavidPacificoPhD (@) gmail.com
email Lise - liset437 (@) uchicago.edu


-----

CALL FOR PAPERS

for

Theorizing and Excavating Neighborhoods

A Session Proposal
Submitted to the Society for American Archaeology
For the 2015 Annual Meeting in San Francisco

Organized by

 David Pacifico, Ph.D. and Lise Truex, Ph.D. candidate (University of Chicago)

           
The ‘neighborhood’ encompasses complex social and analytical phenomena linking households, settlements, and regions. This session investigates the ‘neighborhood’ as a concept, a heuristic, and a social formation as well as the relationship between those dimensions.

On a theoretical level, what anthropological concepts does the ‘neighborhood’ imply or highlight (e.g., kinship, space, economy)? How might we conceive of ‘neighborhood’ when planning, conducting, and reporting research?

As anthropologists, we aim to examine and compare how neighborhoods are configured, produced, and supported at different times and places in human (pre)history. What emic forms of neighborhoods existed (e.g., the Aztec calpulli, Andean ayllu, and Old Babylonian babtum)? How can archaeologists study neighborhoods as imagined as well as physically constructed or culturally practiced?

            Methodologically, we wish to examine how archaeologists can address neighborhoods in all the many formations and configurations that may exist. Of course, we also would like to examine the limitations of ‘neighborhood’ as a heuristic and to discover what directions might move us through and beyond the neighborhood.

Contributors are encouraged to place the study of neighborhoods within broader analyses of urbanization, early towns, rural settlements, and the production of regional landscapes.

Discussants: Steve Wernke, Ph.D. (Vanderbilt) and Elizabeth C. Stone, PhD (SUNY Stony Brook)

Please send presentation abstracts of 200 words or less to both:
davidpacificophd@gmail.com and liset437@uchicago.edu

Deadline for paper abstract submission to Dave and Lise is: August 11, 2014.
Deadline for full session lineup: September 11, 2014.