Wednesday, August 6, 2014

Not 'whether' but 'when' is it extortion...?

They blew the doors off of Pollos Roky ('Roky Chicken,' just in case). I don't mean that Roky's had a bang-up night at the cash register. Actually, the problem was that the cash register was too tight, stayed closed, didn't open up when it shoulda.

See, I was having an afternoon rest in my hotel room when a BOOM so loud almost shook me off the bed. I'm used to BOOMs and BANGs all the time in Casma. They're shooting off fireworks (cuetes 'full golpe') all the time here. They wake you up in the morning and they keep you up at night. Sometimes it's clear why they're blowing off the fireworks. For example, at 12:01AM on the feast of the Virgin del Carmen, you blow off some fireworks to let people know it's time to celebrate, venerate, and party.

But that one boom. That really was odd. And the next day I found out why. They blew the doors off Pollos Roky. That's to say, they threw dynamite at the doors and blew them right off. It was after hours and, by morning, the scene didn't look so bad. There just weren't any doors anymore. Roky's was a big gaping garage of a chicken shack.

Pollos Roky, ex post facto

Roky's is one of the lesser chicken chains here in Peru; but even so, I was surprised to see one in Casma. Casma is a provincial city known for it's continual sunshine, it's many schools, and its 'authenticity' as an agricultural province. It's not backwards by any means, if that's what you're thinking. It's just that country kitchens, where they stew poultry over the candela (a wood and cane-fueled open fire), are local favorites. Chains from Lima don't seem like they'd get much business.

Apparently, the local extortionists aren't getting much business either. Roky's refused to pay up on their protection money, and so they found out what they woulda been protected from.

Extortion is an interesting thing. On the surface, it's wrong. On the books, it's illegal. But as a close and brilliant friend once told me, the question isn't whether it's illegal, it's when is it illegal? In other words, there are no hard and fast lines of legality/illegality or right/wrong. These values get adjusted locally and regularly. For example, on the highway between district towns.

The highway police here are colloquially called tragamonedas. Literally, that means 'coin swallower.' Technically, tragamonedas means 'slot machine.' The highway police are always stationed somewhere or other on the roads into or out of Casma. While I have been stopped several times without incident, the same isn't so for the colectivo drivers who provide intra-district transportation up and down the coastal river valleys. Colectivo drivers regularly have their licenses, insurance, and identity cards checked. It's customary to put a 2 or 5 nuevo sol (PEN) coin under the documents when handing them to the police. 

And why not? Usually the colectivos carry more people than they're supposed to. Standard passage is 6 soles. If you fit four passengers in the vehicle, like you're supposed to, that's 24 soles in gross income. If you fit five passengers in the vehicle, then the fare is only 5 soles, but the gross is 25 soles. Everyone wins. They're just not supposed to.

Occasionally, the highway police will run a multi-day operativo, where they really crack down on transport informalities (and profit). By the time you show up to ride the colectivo, though, everyone already knows about the operativo. So the colectivos go the dusty, garbage-piled back roads that parallel the highway to avoid the police. But since everybody knows, the police are already there collecting documents and coins. Like many processes in Peru, it's a low-stakes cat and mouse game that ends up benefiting everyone a little bit in an informal economy where even the unbridled profiteering is pretty small-scale.

A similar sort of 'coin swallowing' takes on quasi-formal appearances at the entrances to several districts. Neighborhood associations and 'rondas campesinas' often set up light barricades in front of some of the rural valleys. Upon entry, vehicles pay a toll of one or two soles. In some cases you get a receipt. You might argue that you're always supposed to get a receipt. But no one always gets a receipt for anything. Anywhere. Sometimes the peajes (or tolls) are staffed by people wearing uniform vests, which are the universal sign of authority in provincial Peru.

Ostensibly tolls support the rondas, which are basically neighborhood watch 'rounds.' Alternatively, some people believe that the tolls might be used to maintain country roads beyond state support (which is extremely limited). However, you only hear that the peaje might go to road maintenance in the context of complaints that they are not at all being used for road maintenance.

Peajes are an archetypal phenomenon of Peruvian informalism. I knew one such peaje well, as I paid it every day while conducting archaeological fieldwork for my doctoral dissertation. I paid one sol each day as I entered the middle Casma Valley on the dirt road that crosses Pampa Allegre. I got a little 3cm x 3cm receipt each time. On the way out, no toll. The explanation was that there had been livestock russlin' in the area and that the toll helped monitor who went into and out of the valley.

However, what was really going - as far as I could tell - was that a fella decided to put a little shack and a gate on the entrance to the valley. He made himself a home and a job, all at the same time. The service appeared necessary enough, the rate seemed reasonable enough, and there were occasional public discussions about his work, so as to keep up appearances. All told, an informal consensus was met to let the guy live there and charge the toll. And you had to hand it to him; he rigged up the gate so he could operate it without getting out of bed.

Four years later his shack is bigger. He has some animal pens, and the toll has doubled. But he can still operate it from bed.

Extortion for protection money is a crime under the conditions that some alternative has been proposed and that people believe the alternative is superior. The alternative might be seen as more effective, more ethical, or morally proper. In a civil society, they say, the police should protect businesses. But in reality, a guy who can blow the doors off of your chicken shack is also someone who might legitimately be able to protect you against other kinds of dangers (and extortionists). Similarly, a phalanx of cops who can beat the teeth out of your head with their nightsticks during a protest are also exceptionally capable of parting the crowd when your ambulance needs to get to the ER.

It sucks that Roky's had its doors blown off. It's sort of annoying to pay peajes when you're not at all sure why you're paying. It's maddening when the police commit violence against the very people they're sworn to protect.

But in all these cases, there's some kind of tacit agreement being made somewhere. And that's the common thread that runs from mafia extortion to involuntary 'donations' for rondas campesinas to giving police officers the authority to plug you full of bullets under certain conditions. They're all interactions that have been subject to interpersonal agreements, though of varying natures and inclusivity. They all follow certain logics, even though some of those logics are believed to be valid and others are labeled as chaos. But the mafiosos will always point out that there is a logic behind organized crime, even when it's only loosely organized. On the other hand, 'legitimate' politicians across the globe will argue that - outside of civil society - there are no rules and that irrationality reigns. I'm not saying that I do or would prefer uncivil society. Not at all. Nor am I suggesting that blowing doors up is OK. I fear violence. But I also recognize that most societies are composed of multiple forms of logic and negotiation that are vying for recognition. Maybe I'm suggesting it would be better if we acknowledged those competing logics and handled them accordingly. 

In any case, for Pollos Roky (which, I might add, is located directly across from a cockfight pit), one wonders if the extortion and retribution wasn't also part of an inverted cargo system. In cargo systems, when you start getting real rich, it becomes your turn to be mayordomo of the village feast. That's your big chance to build social capital by diminishing your financial capital; it's the potlatch. Maybe Roky's was in bringing britches from Lima that were just too big for Casma. So they got blown right off.

However, in an ironic twist perfectly representative of Peruvian informality, the local Pollos Roky's is a fraud. It's not a real franchise of Roky's. They've just stolen the image, name, and theme in order to draw people away from the other myriad broasters in town. Apparently they also drew dynamite to their door.

Receipt for peaje to enter Comandante Noel district, Casma

"Noelino neighbor, friendly visitor help out with your donation for better security from the District Neighborhood Associations and national Police working together against insecurity [sic]."




Sunday, August 3, 2014

Call for Papers - Theorizing and Excavating Neighborhoods - SAA 2015

My colleague, Lise Truex (University of Chicago) and I are organizing a session for the 80th Annual Meeting of the Society for American Archaeology in San Francisco, April 15-19, 2015. Our session is entitled "Theorizing and Excavating Neighborhoods." We've confirmed our esteemed discussants Steve Wernke (Vanderbilt) and Elizabeth C. Stone (SUNY Stony Brook). We're still seeking abstracts! The original due date for abstracts was to be August 11th, 2014, but we can be a little flexible. Don't hesitate to be in touch or to circulate the CFP.

email Dave - DavidPacificoPhD (@) gmail.com
email Lise - liset437 (@) uchicago.edu


-----

CALL FOR PAPERS

for

Theorizing and Excavating Neighborhoods

A Session Proposal
Submitted to the Society for American Archaeology
For the 2015 Annual Meeting in San Francisco

Organized by

 David Pacifico, Ph.D. and Lise Truex, Ph.D. candidate (University of Chicago)

           
The ‘neighborhood’ encompasses complex social and analytical phenomena linking households, settlements, and regions. This session investigates the ‘neighborhood’ as a concept, a heuristic, and a social formation as well as the relationship between those dimensions.

On a theoretical level, what anthropological concepts does the ‘neighborhood’ imply or highlight (e.g., kinship, space, economy)? How might we conceive of ‘neighborhood’ when planning, conducting, and reporting research?

As anthropologists, we aim to examine and compare how neighborhoods are configured, produced, and supported at different times and places in human (pre)history. What emic forms of neighborhoods existed (e.g., the Aztec calpulli, Andean ayllu, and Old Babylonian babtum)? How can archaeologists study neighborhoods as imagined as well as physically constructed or culturally practiced?

            Methodologically, we wish to examine how archaeologists can address neighborhoods in all the many formations and configurations that may exist. Of course, we also would like to examine the limitations of ‘neighborhood’ as a heuristic and to discover what directions might move us through and beyond the neighborhood.

Contributors are encouraged to place the study of neighborhoods within broader analyses of urbanization, early towns, rural settlements, and the production of regional landscapes.

Discussants: Steve Wernke, Ph.D. (Vanderbilt) and Elizabeth C. Stone, PhD (SUNY Stony Brook)

Please send presentation abstracts of 200 words or less to both:
davidpacificophd@gmail.com and liset437@uchicago.edu

Deadline for paper abstract submission to Dave and Lise is: August 11, 2014.
Deadline for full session lineup: September 11, 2014.

PAIC-CHAP 2014 Field Season: Update from the Field

[crossposted from PAIC-CHAP blog, PAIC-CHAP.blogspot.com, 3 August 2014]

It's been a great field season so far. I arrived in Peru on July 16th and nearly immediately headed to Casma. Casma is about 470 km north of Peru's capital city, Lima. Since Casma, like Lima, is on the coast, it's a foggy desert. The dry conditions mean that the archaeological preservation here is quite good. In previous years I've recovered cloth, whole avocados, seeds, and even a desiccated fish head from archaeological contexts over 700 years old. The fog means that the mornings are cool and damp (as are the evenings sometimes), and the coastal location means that ancient people relied in part on the sea for their subsistence, as do modern people.
This field season is a non-invasive exploratory field season. I've been taking photos and leaving only footprints. In accordance with Peruvian law, I have not been collecting artifacts. Observations and photos provide plenty of information for planning a multi-year excavation project for the near future, ideally beginning next June or July.

In the interest of preserving the archaeological sites, I won't publish their exact locations at this time. But I can explain - in general terms - what I've been up to.

I've largely been exploring the Sechin branch of the Casma River Valley, looking for later-period archaeological sites that will provide fruitful data for advancing our knowledge of the Casma Polity, pre-Hispanic cities and their hinterlands, and how villages, neighborhoods, and other kinds of communities interact and change over time. For some comparative data, I've also been visiting a few sites in the Casma branch of the Casma River Valley.


'Exploring' isn't exactly the best word to use to describe my field research this summer. Exploring sounds like I'm out there fishing for shiny artifacts! Rather, I've been systematically working my way down the valley between two well-known villages. As I make my way, following ancient trails and irrigation canals at the edge of the irrigated valley floor, I look for signs of ancient habitation. Specifically, I'm interested in settlements that might have been occupied before, during, and after the site of El Purgatorio (ca. AD 700-1400 [Vogel 2012; Vogel and Pacifico 2011]) and especially before, during, and after Purgatorio's commoner residential district, Sector B (Pacifico 2014).

There are a couple of key clues that one might find on the surface that tell us the who, what, and when of archaeological sites. First, you're likely to see human-made walls that have survived from long-abandoned buildings. Walls are usually made of piled stone. Sometimes they have mortar, and occasionally they're made of adobe. Walls don't have to stick up out of the ground, either. A lot of the walls in this area are retaining walls that supported large settlements climbing way up the foothills of the Cordillera Negra here. If you can imagine what a Brazilian favela might look like, you start to get an idea of what a lot of the late-period (ca. AD 1000-1400) settlements looked like in this area. Now imagine that all the favela's houses have been removed. That's what you might see today.

Horizontal striations on this mountain are likely ancient residential terraces

You're also likely to see two or three kinds of 'portable' artifacts on the surface. The most telling artifacts are decorated ceramic fragments. If you're lucky, you get fragments with really clear 'diagnostic' elements on them. For example, from my experience I know that certain ceramic decorative motifs are typical of 12th-15th century Casma Polity settlements. Incised circles and dots are very diagnostic of Casma Polity settlements. When I find those on the ground, I've got a good clue that the site I'm at was occupied, visited, or in contact with the people at El Purgatorio sometime between the 12th and 15th centuries.

At center-left you can see a ceramic fragment,
probably the shoulder of an olla or cooking pot,
with the incised circle-and-dot characteristic of later-period Casma Polity sites

In addition to ceramic fragments, marine shells and bones (usually human). Marine shells are important indicators of human settlements because the middle sections of the Casma River branches are approximately 30km from the sea. If you find marine shells there, you know that someone hauled them 30km to get to the mid-valley, and then hauled them uphill. That's a pretty intensive effort that indicates a complex and extensive trade network for marine foods. It also indicates that the site you're at was a storage, habitation, or food processing site - or some combination.

Bones appear on the surface a lot, too. Bleached bones have been sitting on the surface a long time. Human bones tell you that you're at a site that was used as a cemetery. Unfortunately, the reason they're on the surface is that lots of cemeteries have been subject to unauthorized digging, locally called huaqueo. Another word for unauthorized digging is 'looting.' I choose to use the term unauthorized digging, or better huaqueo, for reasons explained elsewhere. 

Wall exposed by unauthorized digging. Ceramic, bone,
and small muscle shell fragments just below center-right.

There are only a few days left here in the field, and I look forward to examining several more sites in the mid-valleys of the Casma and Sechin branches of the Casma River. I expect to log a few more sites, leaving Casma with lots of excellent data for planning and funding a multi-year excavation project. 

Dave exploring a quebrada in the middle Sechin branch of the Casma River Valley


References:

Pacifico, D. (2014). Neighborhood Politics: Diversity, Community, and Authority at El Purgatorio, Peru. Doctoral Dissertation, University of Chicago Department of Anthropology.

Vogel, M. (2012). Frontier Life in Ancient Peru: The Archaeology of Cerro La Cruz. University Press of Florida, Gainesville.

Vogel, M. and D. Pacifico (2011). Arquitectura de El Purgatorio: Capital de la Cultura Casma. In Andes 8: Boletín del Centro de Estudios Precolombinos de la Universidad de Varsovia;  Arqueología de la Costa Ancash edited by I. Ghezzi and M. Gierz (pp. 357-397). University of Warsaw, Warsaw.